Fall 2007 Issue 6

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THIS ISSUE: 

In this issue we look at crime and the role of the police in Baltimore. In many ways this was a response to the recent elections and the various candidates’ use of the threat of crime and offers of safety to appeal to voters. Much like the War on Terror, the charge of being “soft on crime” is used to contain the debate. It becomes a perpetual battle over police tactics with each politician outlying their particular brand, whether it is “zero tolerance” or a “community policing model”. This containment of the debate has an uncanny ability to redirect our focus from the root causes of most crime—severe economic and social injustice in the United States.

Last fall, we covered a similar issue, the criminal justice system. We go beyond defining a model of restorative justice towards a transformative justice model, finding examples in Baltimore. We look at the Community Conferencing Center, which facilitates resolutions between parties involved in crime outside of the court system. We visit the Rose St. Community Center to see how one strong community organization works with youth to create spaces and opportunities that counter a system that channels poor youth into prison or low-wage jobs or both. As usual, we seek to include a historical perspective by providing a timeline of the Baltimore Police Department and recalling a forgotten event in Baltimore’s labor history––the Police strike of 1974. Another look at the “Stop snitching” debate sees communities torn between two different understandings of law and justice. In contrast to the many Baltimoreans who find themselves the target of arrest by merely standing on the corner, a veteran activist shares his stories of confrontation with the police through civil disobedience.

As in last fall’s issue, we consider the campaign to free political prisoner, Eddie Conway. As a former Black Panther, Eddie Conway continues to experience the lengths to which our government has gone and will go to stamp out a political movement. Not only is his continuing incarceration a blatant and well documented example of injustice, but judicial and political authorities use it as a threat to anyone fighting for justice. We are not swayed by this threat, and like Eddie Conway, we encourage people to become more active in confronting oppression and exploitation. We hope that this issue redirects the focus of the debate on crime to ending economic injustice. —AH

articles: 

To the Best of Our Ability:The Rose St. Community

East Baltimore’s Rose Street community has been organizing, educating, and meeting the needs of its residents since its community center was founded in 1992. It has created some of the most ambitious youth intervention and opportunity programs in East Baltimore.

How Do We Restore or Transform Justice? by Polly Riddims, Critical Resistance, Baltimore

Those who are working to dismantle the prison industrial complex must have alternative ways to deal with issues of crime, public safety, conflict, injury, and victimization. Prison abolition is a long-term goal, or part of a vision of a better world. If we human beings can live with such compassion as not to cage and punish other human beings, and create systems of equity and sustainability that will abolish the “need” for prisons, then we will have reached our goal. We know this is not possible in any immediate future, and may take generations to achieve.

Eddie Conway: 37 years and still innocent —by Eddie Conway and Dominique Robinson

[R.B Jones wrote “Eddie Conway: political prisoner” for the Indypendent Reader, issue 2 (Fall 2006). Below is more of Eddie Conway’s story, as he awaits the outcome of a court case that could renew his chances for release from prison.—Ed.]

The Court: Mr. Conway, I’m going to warn you right now on the record that unless you behave yourself…

(The remainder of the Court’s remarks inaudible, because of the defendant’s interruption.)

The 1974 Police Officers Strike —by Charles D'Adamo

A dramatic moment in the history of public sector unionism was the Boston Police Strike of 1919. One thousand and seventeen of 1,544 police officers struck in response to the disciplining of nineteen labor leaders and the police commissioner’s act forbidding union affiliation. The striking police lost the ideological battle after a night of rioting and looting turned public opinion against them.

From Revolving Door to Open Road: Community Conferencing as an Alternative to Conventional Punitive Justice —by Eric Imhof

The Steel Door With Bars

Stop Snitching —by Fred Daniels

A few years ago, the police stumbled across a homemade DVD, apparently made by drug dealers, which had circulated widely on the West Side. It made threats against “snitches,” that is, people suspected of cooperating with the police. Even though the police soon tracked down and busted the makers on other charges, and then put out their own counter DVD encouraging people to “keep talking,” the DVD set off a continuing debate about the causes and consequences of the “stop snitching” attitude deeply embedded in Baltimore now.

And then I was Arrested Again: One Activists Struggle for the 1st Ammendment —by Max Obuszewski

“A strong case has been made for the thesis that in the course of the past hundred years urban police have served as the protective arm of the economic and political interests of the capitalist system.”
—Frank Donner, Protectors of Privilege: Red Squads and Police Repression in Urban America (1992)

As a long-time activist, I’ve had many encounters with the police. Sometimes these encounters have resulted in arrests, more often in extended arguments about the First Amendment to the US Constitution.

Chronology of the Baltimore Police Department (1845–2007) —by Scott Berzofsky and Ashley Hufnagel

1845 the state legislature founds the current Baltimore Police Department “to provide for a better security for life and property in the City of Baltimore.” Three hundred and fifty patrolmen are distributed among the four police districts. The patrolmen wear uniforms and carried batons.

1861 At the beginning of the US Civil War, the federal government takes over the police department, and the US Army runs it until it until it is turned back over to the legislature in 1862.

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