Spring/Summer 2009 Issue 12

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THIS ISSUE: 

This special national issue of the Indypendent Reader comes out of a conference held in Baltimore this March called the City From Below, which was co-organized by the Indyreader, Participation Park (a political project centered around a community garden on a reclaimed vacant lot in East Baltimore), and Red Emma’s Bookstore Coffeehouse, a worker-owned and democratically managed collective project in Baltimore’s Mt. Vernon neighborhood.  The conference came out of our recognition that all of our projects were in very concrete ways focusing their energies on what might be called a politics of urban infrastructure – working towards a media platform for Baltimore’s social movements, creating a public space and sustainable urban agricultural alternative, building a business oriented not towards profit but  towards social justice, and the distribution of radical information – and in a way such that all of our individual projects reinforce each other through the larger horizontal networks of social movements we all exist within.


For us and our projects, this kind of mutually reinforcing dynamic is one of the most exciting things about this kind of city-centric activism and organizing – it’s not only that we’re working to make the cities we live in a better place, but in some sense, it’s the city itself that’s working towards this goal.  Taken to its limit, it’s a vision of urban democracy where the city’s inhabitants themselves directly control the way the city works and how it grows – not in the sense that they get to elect a mayor or a councilperson once every few years, but that they actively participate in a thriving fabric of locally controlled projects and initiatives which build and manage the urban environment.


And it’s this that led us to put together conference we wound up calling “The City From Below.”  From the start, we worked under the assumption that “another conference was possible.” We wanted to organize something that wouldn’t solely consist of experts detached from - and above - social movements  talking to a passive audience, but that we could really drive the conference “from below”- with social movements setting the agenda and the tone of the conversations to be had.  We consulted with social justice organizations here in Baltimore as a part of the conference organizing process, in particular building a strong partnership with the United Workers as they ramped up the organizing for their own major event, the B’More Fair and Human Rights Zone March on the Inner Harbor. We prioritized inviting and funding the travel for groups that were working at the grassroots level in radical ways to address urban injustice, getting folks like Miami’s Take Back the Land, NYC’s Picture the Homeless, and Boston’s City Life/Vida Urbana to Baltimore for the conference.  And we did this all without any financial support from universities or big grant-makers, relying instead on the power and energy within our own social movement networks to pull it off.  While there are many things we could have done better, overall we felt we did a good job of living up to the Zapatista slogan from which we drew part of the conference title – “from below and to the left” – a description of a politics which starts from the bottom-up, in which the process of figuring out where we’re going and how we’re getting there is a dialogue, an experiment and a conversation in which we listen to each other and decide on our goals, our strategy, and our tactics together.


The response we received to our calls for participation (more proposals than we could accommodate in a packed three-day program) confirmed our initial assumption that there was indeed something really productive about using “the city” as a way to think and act on a multiplicity of political concerns in a shared framework.  As capitalism tries to give itself a green makeover, thinking about urban sustainability reveals the unavoidable connections between food supplies, public spaces, common lands, and inexcusable inequalities based in race and class divisions.  Thinking about art in the city leads you to think about the role that artists play in gentrification, and drives groups, like Brooklyn’s Not An Alternative, to work out ways that cultural producers can involve themselves instead in urban social justice struggles.  Thinking about social movements in the city leads you to think about how they communicate, what stories they tell themselves and others, how they preserve and transmit their own history, and how they use media to agitate and organize.  Thinking about the millions of people in prison in the U.S. makes you connect the dots between a crumbling economy, institutionalized racism, and the militarized approach to policing exemplified by the “War on Drugs.”   “The City From Below” was broad enough of a platform to bring together insurgent urban planners and designers with the members of a social movement mobilizing shack-dwellers and other dispossessed communities to fight displacement and evictions in the wake of post-Apartheid South Africa’s enthusiastic embrace of neoliberal development policies, and at the same time, focused enough that a real conversation, productive for all parties involved, might just take place.        


Perhaps nowhere was this ability of “the city” to draw together multiple strands of struggle and resistance into concrete problems and potential new avenues of collective action for social justice more apparent than in the multiple presentations which dealt with the impact of the current economic crisis on the city.  While, at the national level, the crisis plays out in the stratosphere of financial capital, with bailouts and bankers, the effects in the city are much more real.  While fictitious assets vanish from the corporate balance sheets, real homes disappear as families are foreclosed on, real public infrastructure crumbles as budgets are slashed.  Formulating an appropriate radical response to the crisis from below was a major concern of many who presented at the conference – how does a community stop foreclosures through direct action?  How can foreclosed or abandoned properties be reappropriated to bypass now generally discredited market mechanisms and directly provide housing to those who need it?  How do we build communities of care and sustainable food systems that provide what we all need to live, outside of disastrously unstable (and fundamentally exploitative) globalized financial systems?  The economic crisis is not just an aberration, but points towards serious contradictions in the capitalist system – built on the creation of speculative wealth and the transfer of power away from the people who have to suffer the consequences, this is perhaps no where more evident than in the city, where the prevailing model of development “from above” and for the benefit of the already privileged has used imaginary property values to replace neighborhoods with condominiums, to subsidize private projects like hotels and casinos instead of public projects like schools and hospitals.  The bursting of the housing bubble and the domino effect bringing down banks and insurance companies is just a symptom of the real crisis – an economy of privatization and dispossession, undemocratic to the core, which puts the markets and profit first and the real needs of people a distant second.  


Perhaps the most inspiring thing about “The City From Below” was the way in which one could see, in the various overlapping initiatives and struggles represented at the conference, the glimmers of an appropriate response.  This response is one which contests the dominance of private property and private interests in directing urban development, which asserts the right of the city’s inhabitants to housing, food, and above all to dignity, and which reimagines urban space as a site of collective experimentation and the construction of alternatives rather than a territory to be controlled and managed.  And this response, the outlines of which the conference helped us see, is to be constructed out of what makes the city beautiful – not politicians and bureaucrats or speculators and developers, but people living together, learning from each other, sharing spaces, working and fighting side by side, building a future together.  It is a vision not only of a just and equitable city, but of the reinvention and reinvigoration of urban democracy it would take to make such a city real.


We wanted to make sure that the discussions and ideas that resonated with us so strongly the weekend of the conference continued to resonate in larger and larger circles; these are important things that need to be said, and heard, and reworked and reimagined, cross-pollinating with other ideas, with other organizations that weren’t able to make it to Baltimore, with other perspectives on the city.  To that end, we tried to document “The City From Below” as best we could – and in fact much of the weekend’s sessions can be viewed online at cityfrombelow.org.  But over a hundred hours of video footage is not a way to bring someone into a conversation, and so we arrive at the object in your hands now – which combines material from the conference itself with further reflections by some of the participants and beyond, and is intended simultaneously for widespread distribution through the vibrant networks of creative urban activism across the country and beyond, as well as for the normal Baltimore audience of the Indypendent Reader.  It’s a single piece of a larger conversation, and we hope you find it interesting and useful. 


—John Duda

for the City from Below Organizing Crew



articles: 

What Is The City From Below? An Opening Night Address From Mumia Abu-Jamal

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What is the city but the concretized collection of both wealth and poverty? It is formed by great aggregations of wealth and predominantly people by those at the polar opposite of that dynamic.

Baltimore, of course, is no different. In the structure of houses and the layout of its streets, it really resembles Philadelphia. 

A Short History of Private Property & The Right to Tenancy in Baltimore--By David Kandel

The 1979 Baltimore Rent Control Campaign (BRCC) was the last big city-wide political campaign the city has seen.

The Metropolitan Factory:How Capitalist Exploitation Extends Through All Corners of the City-Stevphen Shukaitis&Valeria Graziano

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Standing on Federal Hill, looking down at the development of the inner harbor, one is struck by many things. Perhaps the most obvious thing, regardless of what one thinks of the process that led to its development, is that the buildings and their arrangement are rather ugly. Not just in the way downtown looks, but even more so in what it does: how the city operates as a factory, isolating people from each other, channeling social relations into prescribed routes, and preventing others from forming. 

Defenders of the Land, Private Property Abolitionists-- By Shiri Pasternak

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Indigenous peoples in Canada have marked the geographical limits of capitalist expansion through more than five centuries of permanent resistance. Due to the geography of residual Aboriginal lands, they form a final frontier of capitalist penetration for natural resource extraction, agribusiness, and urban/suburban development. While much of the focus of the economic crisis has centred on foreclosures and job losses in the manufacturing and service sectors, a renewed push for resources – e.g.

A Conversation on Organizing Models for Social Justice Struggles in the City

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Betty Robinson started the discussion off with some very important questions:

How do we create, build, and nurture organizations that can be in the forefront of our new social justice movement ?  

How do such organizations build capacity and leadership?

What does their strategic thinking look like?

Common Purpose, Uncommon Approach-- By Tom Kertes

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Following the events of the B’More Fair and Human Rights Zone March held on April 18 in Baltimore City, Rev. Heber Brown III wrote some powerful words on his blog Faith in Action about the day, writing that “without exaggeration, [today] was the most organized, diverse, and strategic community activism event that I have ever been a part of in this city.”  These are powerful words from an experienced and already committed community organizer and leader.  Rev.

Fighting Foreclosure in South Africa: An Open Letter to US Activists

To: All poor Americans and their communities in resistance

The privatization of land--a public resource for all that has now become a false commodity--was the original sin, the original cause of this financial crisis. With the privatization of land comes the dispossession of people from their land which was held in common by communities. With the privatization of land comes the privatization of everything else, because once land can be bought and sold, almost anything else can eventually be bought and sold.

Crisis and Resistance in the Neoliberal City : A Conversation with David Harvey, Max Rameau, Shiri Pasternak, and Esther Wang

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David Harvey: This foreclosure crisis, this financial crisis, has to be thought of as a crisis of the city, a crisis of urbanization – and if it’s a crisis of the city and of urbanization, then the solution has to be a

Community Land Trust Q & A: James Tracy interviews Jim Kelly

Community Land Trust Q & A
James Tracy interviews Jim Kelly

1) What is a Community Land Trust?

A community land trust (CLT) is a democratically controlled nonprofit organization that owns and controls land to make sure it is used for permanently affordable housng or other purposes that benefit the surrounding community.

2) Across the United States, what are communities using it for?

The Perils of Public Space and Democracy in Athens-- By Nicholas Anastasopoulos, Eleni Tzirtzilaki

The Pnyx is a hill facing the Acropolis in Athens. It is where in ancient times about 6,000 politically active citizens would stand and address the Assembly, exercising democracy at its birthplace from the 6th to 4th century BC.  Today, Filoppapou Hill, the larger area where the Pnyx sits, has been under threat of privatization.

Trans-Caucus-- By Ilana Goldszer

Around the time of the City from Below Conference, there had been a great deal of trans-organizing happening in Baltimore. The energy was high for many transfolks, queers, and allies as the end of March approached.  The Conference was jam-packed with activists from in and out-of-town, and it seemed like an interesting space to not only meet those involved in similar struggles and organizing work, but to really sit down and discuss the reality of modern, radical, queer activism.

Whose City? KID(Z) CITY!-- By the Crossing Guard organizing committee

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SINE: Early Saturday morning, St John's Church, also known as the 2640 Space, was beginning to hum with the sounds of the City From Below.  People bustled behind book tables, served up food and coffee, began contemplating neoliberalism and resistance; everywhere was hustle and buzz.  I didn’t know what the day would bring, and I didn’t know that Kid(z) City was actually going to be the best imaginable way to start it.

Revitalizing Tired Terms: A Language of Anit-Gentrification Planning-- By Katie Mazer

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Revitalization. Inclusion. Social Mix. Diversity. Vibrancy. This is the jargon of contemporary urban planning. While this kind of language is full of potential and promise, more often than not, these words serve simply as euphemisms for gentrification—for the displacement of socially and economically vulnerable groups.

"To Show the Fire and the Tenderness"-- By Teams Colors Collective/ Conor Cash, Craig Hughes, Stevie Peace, Kevin Van Meter

Our experience is that social support is crucial to community organizing and movement building; hence support is a central piece of radical coemmunity organizing. Contemporary organizing in manye Left and radical currents does not adequately incorporate support or their own self-reproduction1 into their work. This piece examines support in context of neoliberalism and current crises.

A Region from Below-- By Correspondenets from the Midwest Radical Cultural Corridor

In the summer of 2008, a group of drifters traveled in search of the Midwest Radical Culture Corridor (MRCC). They looked for the region’s counter narratives; they found evidence of small town organizing, prison resistance, and perma-cultural farming living right beside agribusiness, supermax prisons, empty factories, and Christian conservatism. They witnessed the reflections of cities, in the urban migrants seeking fairer futures on open land, in crop production that fuels and feeds the masses, and in the waste exported from cities.

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